Have you ever heard someone say,
"That's unconstitutional!" or "That's my constitutional
right!" and wondered if they were right?
You might be surprised how often
people get it wrong. You might also be surprised how often people get it right.
Your best defense against misconception is reading and knowing your Constitution.
A lot of people presume a lot of
things about the Constitution.
Some are true, some are not. This page will detail some of the things that
people think are in the Constitution, but are not.
One critique of this page is that it
is full of nit-picks. Slavery, for example, may not be "in" the
original Constitution, but it is in the original Constitution —
the word may not have been there, but the concept was. This is absolutely true.
But by studying the words and coming to know them intimately, we gain a better
understanding of our history and how some arguments about the Constitution endure.
- The Air Force
- Congressional
Districts
- The Electoral
College
- Executive Order
- Executive Privilege
- Freedom of
Expression
- (Absolute) Freedom
of Speech and Press
- "From each
according to his ability..."
- God
- Immigration
- Impeachment means
removal from office
- Innocent until
proven guilty
- It's a free country
- Judicial Review
- Jury of Peers
- "Life, Liberty
and the Pursuit of Happiness"
- Marriage
- Martial Law
- No taxation without
representation
- Number of Justices
in the Supreme Court
- "Of the people,
by the people, for the people"
- Paper Money
- Political Parties
- Primary Elections
- Qualifications for
Judges
- The right to privacy
- The right to travel
- The right to vote
- The separation of
church and state
- The Separation of
Powers Clause
- Slavery
- "We hold these
truths to be self-evident"
- Other topics
The Constitution was
ratified in 1787, long, long before the advent of the airplane. It provides,
specifically, for a navy and an army in Article 1, Section 8.
Though they were aware of lighter-than-air flying craft, the Framers could not
have reasonably provided for an Air Force. It should be noted at the outset
that the Constitution does not provide, specifically, for the other
uniformed services, the Marines and Coast Guard. The Marines, however, as an
arm of the Navy, could be excepted; and the Constitution does provide for
"naval forces," and the Coast Guard could thus be excepted. How,
then, do we except the Air Force? The first way is via common sense — the
Framers certainly did not intend to preclude the use of new technology in the
U.S. military, and because of the varied roles of the Air Force, it makes sense
for it to be a separate branch. The second (and less desirable) way
is historical — the Air Force originated as the Army Air Corps, an arm of the
Army, similar to the Navy/Marine relationship. Basically, unless your interpretation of the
Constitution freezes it in 1789, the Air Force is a perfectly
constitutional branch of the U.S. military.
Congressional
Districts divide almost every state in the United States into two or more
chunks; each district should be roughly equal in population throughout the
state and indeed, the entire country. Each district elects one Representative
to the House of Representatives. The number of districts in each state is
determined by the decennial census, as mandated by the Constitution. But
districts are not mentioned in the Constitution. The United States Code acknowledges
districting, but leaves the "how's" to the states (gerrymandering,
however, is unconstitutional [as seen in Davis v Bandemer, 478 U.S.
109 (1986), though, the intent of gerrymandering is difficult to prove]).
The concept of the
presidential elector is certainly in the Constitution, but never is the
group of people collectively referred to as "The Electoral College." Article 1, Section 2 speaks
of "Electors," as do several of the Amendments, but never the college itself.
The term comes from common usage in the early 1800's, in the same way that the
"College of Cardinals" elects a pope, and is based on the Latin
word collegium, which simply refers to a body of people acting as a
unit. The term "College of Electors" is used in U.S. law, at 3
USC 4. For more on the Electoral College, see the topic page.
Executive Orders
have two main functions: to modify how an executive branch department
or agency does its job (rule change) or to modify existing law, if such
authority has been granted to the President by Congress. Executive orders
are not mentioned by the Constitution, but they have been around a long,
long time. George Washington issued several Presidential Proclamations, which
are similar to EO's (Proclamations are still issued today). EO's and
Proclamations are not law, but they have the effect of statutes. A typical
modern Proclamation might declare a day to be in someone's honor. Historically,
they have had broader effect, such as the Emancipation Proclamation.
A typical EO might instruct the government to do no business with a country we
are at war with. Executive orders are subject to judicial review, and
can be declared unconstitutional. Today, EO's and Proclamations are
sequentially numbered. The average president issues 58 EO's a year. As of March
13, 1936, all EO's must be published in the Federal Register. The first to have
been so published was #7316, by President Roosevelt.
Executive privilege
is a right to withhold information from the legislative and judicial branches
by the President or by one of the executive departments. There is question
of whether the right exists at all, a question that has lingered since the very
first President, George Washington, asserted executive privilege in
his very first term. Most times, executive privilege is asserted for
purported national security reasons. Washington, however, asserted
the privilege when the House requested details of the Jay Treaty — his
rationale was that the House has no role in treaty-making and hence no right to
request the documents. In modern times, Bill Clinton refused to
simply comply with an order to appear before a grand jury, and instead
negotiated terms under which he would appear. Richard Nixon's is the most
infamous use of executive privilege, and while the Supreme Court, in U.S.
v Nixon, 418 U.S. 683 (1974), recognized that there exists a need for some
secrecy in the executive branch, but that the secrecy cannot be
absolute. The Court ordered Nixon to turn over tapes and documents that
a special prosecutor had subpoenaed. More recently, the minutes and records of
Vice President Dick Cheney's energy task force were requested and denied based
on executive privilege. This case made its way to the Supreme Court, where
the Court deflected the case and sent it back to a lower court for further
adjudication.
It is often said
that one of the rights protected by the 1st Amendment is the
freedom of expression. This site, in fact, uses that term in its quick description
of the amendment: "Freedom of Religion, Press, Expression." But
"expression" is not used in the amendment at all. This term has come
to be used as a shorthand, a term of art, for three of the freedoms that are
explicitly protected: speech, petition, and assembly. While the use of
"freedom of expression" is ubiquitous in this area of 1st Amendment
study, it is important to note exactly what "freedom of expression"
refers to — let this be such a note.
The Constitution does protect
the freedom of speech of every citizen, and even of non-citizens — but only
from restriction by the Congress (and, by virtue of the 14th Amendment, by
state legislatures, too). There are plenty of other places where you could
speak but where speech can and is suppressed. For example, freedom of speech
can be and often is restricted in a work place, for example: employers can
restrict your right to speak in the work place about politics, about religion,
about legal issues, even about Desperate Housewives. The same
restrictions that apply to the government do not apply to private persons, employers,
or establishments. For another example, the government could not prohibit the
sale of any newspaper lest it breech the freedom of the press. No
newsstand, however, must carry every paper against its owners'
wishes.
According to a 2002 Columbia Law School study,
nearly two-thirds of persons polled thought that this phrase came from the Constitution or
might have been crafted by the Framers. This phrase, however, originates from
Karl Marx, and was written in 1875's Critique of the Gotha Program.
It is considered by many to be a brief summation of the principles of
communism.
It has often been
seen on the Internet that to find God in the Constitution, all one has to
do is read it, and see how often the Framers used the words "God," or
"Creator," "Jesus," or "Lord." Except for one
notable instance, however, none of these words ever appears in the Constitution,
neither the original nor in any of the Amendments. The notable exception is
found in the Signatory section, where the date is written thusly:
"Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and Eighty seven". The use of the word "Lord" here is
not a religious reference, however. This was a common way of expressing the
date, in both religious and secular contexts. This lack of any these words does
not mean that the Framers were not spiritual people, any more than the use of
the word Lord means that they were. What this lack of these words is expositive
of is not a love for or disdain for religion, but the feeling that the new
government should not involve itself in matters of religion. In fact, the
original Constitution bars any religious test to hold any federal
office in the United States. For more information, see the Religion Topic Page.Impeachment Means Removal From Office
The word
"impeachment" and the phrase "removal from office" are not
synonymous. For a President, judge, or other federal official to be removed
from office against their will (because resignation is always an option), they
must be impeached. Impeachment consists of three phases — the passage of the
impeachment by the House, a trial by the Senate, and the imposition of a
penalty if the Senate convicts. For members of the executive branch, removal
from office is automatic upon conviction. The Senate may also decide to prevent
the person from holding any other public office (see Article 2, Section 4).
For any other impeachable officer (including judges), there are basically two
punishments, which provide four options: the Senate can do nothing; they can
remove the person from their office; they can prevent the person from ever
holding any office in the federal government again, or both (see Article 1, Section 3).
First, it should be
pointed out that if you did it, you're guilty, no matter what. So you're not
innocent unless you're truly innocent. However, our system presumes innocence,
which means that legally speaking, even the obviously guilty are treated as
though they are innocent, until they are proven otherwise.
The concept of the
presumption of innocence is one of the most basic in our system of justice.
However, in so many words, it is not codified in the text of the Constitution.
This basic right comes to us, like many things, from English jurisprudence, and
has been a part of that system for so long, that it is considered common law.
The concept is embodied in several provisions of the Constitution, however,
such as the right to remain silent and
the right to a jury.
A commonly heard
mantra is, "Read your Constitution — it's a free country, you know!"
Well, read your Constitution — it never says it is a free country. The
implication of the aphorism is that in the United States, you can do whatever
you want to do, and the Constitution is there to ensure that. It is certainly
true that the Constitution protects many civil rights. The 1st Amendment ensures
freedom of religious choice and freedom of speech, but those things are not
without limit. You cannot create a religion that allows you to kill someone
without civil punishment; you cannot use libelous or slanderous words without
recourse. There are other things that restrict freedom — from the ability to
suspend habeas corpus to the issuance of patents. Certainly the United States
is a very free country, but it is not totally free — which is actually a good
thing, unless you actually like anarchy. It is interesting to note that in his
confirmation hearings in 2005, John Roberts said several times, "It's a
free country." It will be interesting to see how this enters into his
judicial philosophy on the Court.
We often hear about
the Supreme Court striking down a law or a provision in a law, or, more often,
reaffirming some law or provision. Take a look in the Constitution — judicial
review, as this is known, is nowhere to be found. It seems like a perfectly
normal action — after all, what kind of check does
the Judicial Branch have on the other two branches if laws and orders cannot be
declared unconstitutional. But judicial review is not specifically mentioned.
So how did judicial review come to be? In the landmark case of Marbury
v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803), Chief Justice John Marshall declared a
federal law, the Judiciary Act of 1789, to be unconstitutional, and thus null
and void. This was the first time a Supreme Court ruling overturned a law.
People often say
"I have a right to have my case heard by a jury of my peers!" when
there is no such right in the Constitution. The Constitution does take up the
issue of juries, however. It is the nature of the jury which is not in the
Constitution. In Article 3, Section 2,
the Constitution requires that all criminal trials be heard by a jury. It also
specifies that the trial will be heard in the state the crime was committed.
The 6th Amendment narrows
the definition of the jury by requiring it to be "impartial."
Finally, the 7th Amendment requires
that certain federal civil trials guarantee a jury trial if the amount exceeds
twenty dollars.
Note that no where
is a jury "of peers" guaranteed. This is important for some
historical and contemporary reasons. Historically, the notion of a peer is one
of social standing — in particular, in a monarchy such as the one the United
States grew up from, commoners would never stand in judgement of lords and
barons. Along these same lines, since suffrage and jury service have always
been closely tied (and in the beginnings of the United States it was typical
for only white, male, property-owners to be allowed the vote), any combination
of gender, race, and economic status would be judged by only one kind of jury,
hardly by "peers."
Today, the American
ideal dictates that we are all peers of one another, that regardless of gender,
race, religion, social status, or any other division (except age), we are all
equal. In this ideal, since we are all peers, a guarantee of a jury of ones peers
would be redundant. While some argue with this ideal, it is the most democratic
way to approach the subject. Juries need only be impartial, and not made up of
one's peers, else the jury system would be unworkable.
This phrase is
commonly attributed to the Constitution, but it comes from the Declaration of Independence.
The 5th Amendment does
offer protections to our "life, liberty, or property," noting we
cannot be deprived of any of them without due process of law.
In 2004, a lot of
controversy began to swirl around the topic of marriage as homosexual marriage
entered the news once again. In 1999, the Vermont Supreme Court ordered that
the state must make accommodations for gay unions, bringing the issue into the
public eye. Vermont created civil unions as a result. In 2004, the
Massachusetts Supreme Court went a step further, and ruled that the state must
accommodate not just an institution equal to marriage, as civil union was
designed to be, but that gay marriage itself must be offered in the state.
Subsequently, mayors in New York and California began to offer gay marriage in
their towns and cities, citing civil rights concerns. Those opposed to gay
marriage began to urge that an amendment to the Constitution be created to
define marriage as being between a man and a woman only. Opponents of the
amendment pointed to the failed Prohibition Amendment as
a reason why such social issues should stay out of the Constitution. In the
absence of any such amendment, however, marriage is not mentioned in the
Constitution at any point. More information is available on the Marriage Topic Page.
The terms
"martial law" or "law martial" are not mentioned anywhere
in the Constitution, but a key aspect of martial law, the suspension of habeas corpus certainly
is — Congress cannot suspend habeas corpus except when public safety is in
jeopardy in times of rebellion or invasion. This clause, found at Article 1, Section 9,
is often taken as shorthand for martial law, but in reality, martial law can
exist while habeas corpus is in place — the two are commonly linked, but not
mutually exclusive. More details can be found on the Martial Law Topic Page.
The battle cry
"No taxation without representation!" was a great political slogan
coined to counter the Sugar Act of
1764. In order to help recoup the debt it incurred during the French and Indian
War (or the Seven Years' War), the British Parliament passed the act, which
taxed all manner of foodstuffs imported into the colonies. The Americans, in
the midst of economic depression following the war, were not particularly
enamored of a new tax. Some have written that the Americans were simply whining
tax evaders. The slogan was good for rallying the troops with an easy issue for
every one to discern: that since they were not represented in Parliament, the
tax should not be levied. However, the ultimate goal of most of the agitators
was not representation in Parliament, but independence.
The concept of
"no taxation without representation" may be present in general in the
United States. But those who are unrepresented (such as convicts and immigrants
who cannot vote) are still subject to taxation. Notably, the citizens of
Washington, DC, do not have any voting representation in Congress (though it
does send a non-voting delegate to the House of Representatives). Since 2000,
DC license plates have included the phrase "Taxation Without
Representation" in an effort to raise awareness of the issue, especially
among tourists visiting the city. By virtue of the 23rd Amendment, however,
DC does have at least three electoral votes.
Article 3, Section 1 specifies
that there will be a Supreme Court, Article 1, Section 3 mentions
the Chief Justice, and Article 2, Section 2 mentions
the "Judges of the Supreme Court", but aside from these small
mentions, the make-up of the Supreme Court is not defined in the Constitution.
There will be a Supreme Court, there will be a Chief Justice, and there will be
other Justices — but how many? Originally, there were six members, and the
number has fluctuated up to as many as ten. In 1869, the number was set in the
law at nine, and it has remained at nine ever since. The number of justices is
now set in the U.S. Code at 28 USC 1."Of the People, By the People, For the People"
This phrase is
commonly attributed to the Constitution, but it comes from the Gettysburg Address.
Paper Money
Paper Money
The Constitution
does not directly mention paper money, a staple of today's economy. It does
give the Congress the power to "coin money," however. The
Constitution does prohibit states from
issuing "bills of
credit," but no such prohibition is in place for the
federal government. What does this mean? Is paper money unconstitutional, but
coins are okay?
See FAQ Question #154 for
a discussion of this topic.Political Parties
Political parties
are such a basic part of our political system today, that many people might
assume the Constitution must at least mention parties in one way or another...
but there is absolutely no mention of political parties anywhere in the
Constitution. In fact, in the times of the Articles of Confederation,
there weren't even any parties; factions, perhaps; regional blocs, yes; but no
parties. Not until the Jackson and Van Buren administrations
did organized parties really take hold in the American political system.
Primary Elections
Primary Elections
The Primary Election
season can be exciting and heady as candidates for the presidency, and other
national and state offices, vie for their party's endorsement and spot on the
ballot. Many people today assume that because the process is second nature that
it must be spelled out in the Constitution. No where in the Constitution,
however, will you find any mention of how elections should be conducted. Since
the Constitution is silent on the issue, we have been free to develop any
system we wished, and the result is the system of primary elections we now use.
Though the point of the party elections is to select a single member of the
party for the "real" election, the courts have still exerted
influence, reasoning that through primaries, disenfranchisement can be
effected. Party elections, then, must be open to anyone asserting party
affiliation — parties cannot, for example, bar any person of color solely on
the basis of race. Since they are party elections, however,
the Supreme Court has ruled that primary elections can bar voters not
registered with that party.
Qualifications for Judges
Qualifications for Judges
Article 1, Section 2 specifies
the qualifications to be a Representative, Article 1, Section 3 specifies
those for Senators, and Article 2, Section 1 those
for President. The 12th Amendment adds
the Vice President. But nowhere does the Constitution specify how federal
judges are to be qualified. There is no minimum age and no residency
requirement. The primary reason for this is that the Framers were well aware of
how judges became judges — they were appointed because they excelled at the
law. To do that, you must have had at least a minimum of knowledge in the law
(though in the 18th and 19th centuries, lawyers were often self-taught).
The Right To Privacy
The Right To Privacy
The Constitution
does not specifically mention a right to privacy. However, Supreme Court
decisions over the years have established that the right to privacy is a basic
human right, and as such is protected by virtue of the 9th Amendment. The right
to privacy has come to the public's attention via several controversial Supreme
Court rulings, including several dealing with contraception (the Griswold and Eisenstadt cases),
interracial marriage (the Loving case), and abortion (the
well-known Roe v Wade case). In addition, it is said that a
right to privacy is inherent in many of the amendments in the Bill of Rights,
such as the 3rd, the 4th's search and seizure
limits, and the 5th's
self-incrimination limit.
As the Supreme Court
notes in Saenz v Roe, 98-97 (1999), the Constitution does not contain
the word "travel" in any context, let alone an explicit right to
travel (except for members of Congress, who are guaranteed the right to
travel to and from Congress). The presumed right to travel, however,
is firmly established in U.S. law and precedent. In U.S. v Guest,
383 U.S. 745 (1966), the Court noted, "It is a right that has been firmly
established and repeatedly recognized." In fact, in Shapiro v
Thompson, 394 U.S. 618 (1969), Justice Stewart noted in a concurring
opinion that "it is a right broadly assertable against private
interference as well as governmental action. Like the right of association, ...
it is a virtually unconditional personal right, guaranteed by the Constitution
to us all." It is interesting to note that the Articles of Confederation had
an explicit right to travel; it is now thought that the right is so fundamental
that the Framers may have thought it unnecessary to include it in the
Constitution or the Bill of Rights.The Right To Vote
The Constitution
contains many phrases, clauses, and amendments detailing ways people cannot be
denied the right to vote. You cannot deny the right to vote because of race or gender. Citizens of Washington DC can
vote for President; 18-year-olds can vote; you
can vote even if you fail to pay a poll tax.
The Constitution also requires that anyone who can vote for the "most
numerous branch" of their state legislature can vote for House members and Senate members.
Note that in all of
this, though, the Constitution never explicitly ensures the right to vote, as
it does the right to speech, for example. It does require that Representatives
be chosen and Senators be elected by "the People," and who comprises
"the People" has been expanded by the aforementioned amendments
several times. Aside from these requirements, though, the qualifications for
voters are left to the states. And as long as the qualifications do not
conflict with anything in the Constitution, that right can be withheld. For
example, in Texas, persons declared mentally incompetent and felons currently
in prison or on probation are denied the right to vote. It is interesting to
note that though the 26th Amendment requires that 18-year-olds must be able to
vote, states can allow persons younger than 18 to vote, if they chose to.The Separation Of Church and State
The phrase
"separation of church and state" does not appear anywhere in the
Constitution. Thomas Jefferson wrote that the 1st Amendment erected
a "wall of
separation" between the church and the state (James
Madison said it "drew a line," but it is Jefferson's term that sticks
with us today). The phrase is commonly thought to mean that the government
should not establish, support, or otherwise involve itself in any religion. The Religion Topic Page addresses
this issue in much greater detail.
The Separation Of Powers Clause
The Separation Of Powers Clause
Though it may be
implied or even directly stated in some news reports, blog postings, or web
sites, there is no clause of the Constitution that is called the
"Separation of Powers Clause." This is because there is no one clause
that says "separation of powers" or "checks and balances"
or any other phrase that is used synonymously. The concept of
the Separation of Powers is written into the first three articles of the
Constitution, as detailed elsewhere.
Slavery
Slavery
Originally, the
Framers were very careful about avoiding the words "slave" and
"slavery" in the text of the Constitution. Instead, they used phrases
like "importation of Persons" at Article 1, Section 9 for
the slave trade, "other persons" at Article 1, Section 2,
and "person held to service or labor" at Article 4, Section 2 for
slaves. Not until the 13th Amendment was
slavery mentioned specifically in the Constitution. There the term was used to
ensure that there was to be no ambiguity as what exactly the words were
eliminating. In the 14th Amendment, the
euphemism "other persons" (and the three-fifths value given a slave)
was eliminated. The Slavery Topic Page has
a lot more detail.
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal"
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal"
This phrase is
commonly attributed to the Constitution, but it comes from the Declaration of Independence.
The Constitution
never uses the word immigration, so how is it that the rules for
immigrants, and quotas for countries, are set by the federal government and not
by the state governments? After all, as the 10th Amendment states,
are the powers not delegated to the United States held by the states, or the
people?
The Supreme Court
has ruled that the Congressional power to regulate naturalization, from Article 1, Section 8,
includes the power to regulate immigration (see, for example, Hampton
v. Mow Sun Wong, 426 U.S. 88 [1976]). It would not make sense to allow
Congress to pass laws to determine how an immigrant becomes a naturalized
resident if the Congress cannot determine how, or even if, that immigrant can
come into the country in the first place. Just because the Constitution lacks
the word immigration does not mean that it lacks the concept of
immigration.
There is also an
argument that immigration is an implied power of any sovereign nation, and as
such, the federal government has the power to regulate immigration because the
United States is a sovereign nation. While it is true that the United States is
a sovereign nation, and it may be true that all sovereign nations have some
powers inherent in that status, it is not necessary to determine if immigration
is such a power that does not even require constitutional mention, because the
Naturalization Clause handles the power.